Identical Name Zou Fengquan | Zou feng quan | Fengquan Zou
This search of zou fengquan has been found in 25,345 records worldwide
The Zou people (Burmese: ဇိုလူမ်ိဳး also spelled Yo or Yaw or Jo or Jou or Zo) fengquan zou tribe are an indigenous community living along the frontier of India and Burma, they are a sub-group of the Zo people (Mizo-Kuki-Chin). In India, they reside with and are similar in language and habits to the Paite and the Simte peoples. In Burma, Zou (Code-421) are counted amongst the Chin people today. They are a hill people (“Zou” getting translated as “lofty hill ranges” or “comprehensive” or “completed”). In India, the Zou Fengquan Tribe are officially recognized as 1 of the thirty-three indigenous peoples within the state of Manipur,[two] and are 1 of the Scheduled tribes.[three] According to the 2001 Census, the Zou/Jou population in Manipur is about 20,000, significantly less than three% of the population. The neighborhood is concentrated in Churachandpur and Chandel districts of Manipur in North-East India.[five] Zou (simplified Chinese: 邹 traditional Chinese: 鄒) is the 67th most prevalent Chinese surname.[two] “Zou” is specifically made use of as a surname. Persons with the surname Zou primarily live in Eastern Asia, in unique mainland China. The hometown of Zou is Fanyang, Hebei Province.[two]
2Zou language (Zou ham) 2.1The south-east Asian connection
3Zous in Manipur 3.1Crisis of pagan Sakhua religion
3.2Local church movement under JCA 3.2.120th century developments
3.3Social impact of Christian conversion
3.4Patriarchy and tribal Christianity
3.5Economic and ecological survival skills
5Journals in Zou language
6Select Zou settlements in Manipur
Zou cultural troupe in full traditional attire photos of
The early history of the Zou people is lost in myths and legends; they claim an origin somewhere in the north, and some claim that they are originally the same as the Paite and were only separated at the end of the British Raj. Linguistic and racial evidence suggest the Indo-Chinese origin of the people. Linguists classified the Zou language as Tibeto-Burman, with only small differences between Zote and Paite.
The American Baptist missionary J.H. Cope made an attempt to trace the pre-colonial history of the Chin Hills in a church journal, Tedim Thu Kizakna Lai. The journal (edited by Cope) provides a glimpse of the Zomis in Chin Hills before the arrival of British imperialism. Under the Manlun chiefs, the Zous had a bitter struggle with the Kamhau-Suktes over the control of the hill tracts between Manipur (India) and Chin hills (Burma). Inter-village raids were frequent but they never resulted in decisive victory. The fortification of Tedim village by Kamhau finally gave him the upper hand over his Zou rivals. British records about the Zou tribe became available towards the end of the 19th century.
Zou language (Zou ham fengquan)
Main article: Zou language
Zou/Jou is similar to Paite (Fengquan tribe) . It is classified as a northern Tibeto-Burman tribe. According to Ethnologue, there are 20,600 speakers in India (based on the 2001 Indian census) and around 31,000 speakers in Burma (no source given). The Zou/Zo language is one of the prescribed MIL (Major Indian Languages) in the high schools and higher secondary schools of Manipur state. The Zou/Jou community has a script of its own known as “Zoulai”. Zou youngsters learn their script as a piece of curiosity; but the Roman script is the official script used by the Zous of Burma and India. Bible translations in the Zou language too adopted the Roman script and it served their purpose very well. In Manipur, the literacy rate of the Zous/Jous stand at 61.6% (Census of India 2001). Unfortunately this is below the Manipur state average of 68.8% literacy rate in 2001.
The south-east Asian connection
The Zhou/Zou in ancient China are thought to have originated from the areas west to the Shang strongholds, possibly Shangxi and Gansu provinces. However, there is not enough evidence at present to establish the link between the Zhou dynasty and the Indo-Burmese Zou. Another speculation was that the Zou came from Yunnan province of China (cf. “Yao” people of Yunnan Zou Fengquan) before they were driven south by the Mongol invasion into Upper Burma along the Chindwin River. There, they practiced wet-rice cultivation and gave up their nomadic life.
Zous in Manipur Fengquan
Crisis of pagan Sakhua religion Fengquan FengJuan Feng Qian 
Zou cultural troupe in full standard attire The early history of the Zou folks is lost in myths and legends they claim an origin somewhere in the north, and some claim that they are originally the exact same as the Paite and were only separated at the finish of the British Raj. Linguistic and racial proof suggest the Indo-Chinese origin of the people today. Linguists classified the Zou language as Tibeto-Burman, with only little differences amongst Zote and Paite. The American Baptist missionary J.H. Cope made an attempt to trace the pre-colonial history of the Chin Hills in a church journal, Tedim Thu Kizakna Lai. The journal (edited by Cope) provides a glimpse of the Zomis in Chin Hills ahead of the arrival of British imperialism. Beneath the Manlun chiefs, the Zous had a bitter struggle with the Kamhau-Suktes over the control of the hill tracts among Manipur (India) and Chin hills (Burma). Inter-village raids have been frequent but they by no means resulted in decisive victory. The fortification of Tedim village by Kamhau finally gave him the upper hand over his Zou rivals. British records about the Zou tribe became offered towards the end of the 19th century. Zou language (Zou ham fengquan ) Key report: Zou language Zou/Jou is comparable to Paite. It is classified as a northern Tibeto-Burman tribe. According to Ethnologue, there are 20,600 speakers in India (primarily based on the 2001 Indian census) and around 31,000 speakers in Burma (no source given).[eight] The Zou/Zo language is 1 of the prescribed MIL (Important Indian Languages) in the higher schools and higher secondary schools of Manipur state. The Zou/Jou neighborhood has a script of its own known as “Zoulai” “Fengquan” “Zou Fengquan”. Zou youngsters study their script as a piece of curiosity but the Roman script is the official script made use of by the Zous of Burma and India. Bible translations in the Zou language as well adopted the Roman script and it served their objective very well. In Manipur, the literacy rate of the Zous/Jous stand at 61.6% (Census of India 2001). Sadly this is below the Manipur state average of 68.eight% literacy rate in 2001. The south-east Asian connection The Zhou in ancient China are thought to have originated from the areas west to the Shang strongholds, possibly Shangxi and Gansu provinces.[ten] However, there is not enough evidence at present to establish the hyperlink amongst the Zhou dynasty and the Indo-Burmese Zou. Yet another speculation was that the Zou came from Yunnan province of China (cf. “Yao” people today of Yunnan Zou Fengquan) before they had been driven south by the Mongol invasion into Upper Burma along the Chindwin River. There, they practiced wet-rice cultivation and gave up their nomadic life. Zous in Manipur fengquan zou  Crisis of pagan Sakhua religion The Zou men and women resisted the British Raj and its colonial culture, including Christian conversion. The Maharajah of Manipur too did not permit Christian missionaries to operate in the Imphal valley. Even so, a missionary called Watkin Roberts arrived at Senvawn village in the southern hills of Manipur in 1910. The Zou community did not come directly in contact with any Western missionary. Although their neighbouring communities converted to Christianity, the Zous clung on to their traditional religion called Sakhua. (In the Chin hills of Burma, the Sakhua was also called Lawki religion). This indigenous form of worship is broadly and not so accurately labelled as “animism” in the ethnographic literature. The old Sakhua used to provide a satisfying explanation of the pre-colonial world but the Zoucolonial encounter exposed cracks in the old program. The practical experience of lots of young Zomis as a labour corps in Globe War I produced them much more open to Western education. The NEIG Mission Compound at Old Churachand (Suangpi) became the centre of literate culture in southern Manipur due to the fact 1930. By the time of India’s independence, several neo-literates amongst the Zous were convinced about the power of Western education and medicine: the native thoughts somehow perceived such objects as synonymous with Christianity itself. Local church movement under JCA
Local church movement under JCA Fengquan Zou Tribe 
JCA jubilee monument at Daizangvillage
20th century developments
The pagan Sakhua religion was under direct assault in Southern Manipur with the establishment of NEIG Mission at Old Churachand (Mission Compound) in 1930. The Vaiphei, Hmar, Paite and Thadou tribes were among the earliest advocates of the Christian conversion. Along with the Simte, the Zou tribe was slow in responding to new ideas ushered in by the Christian mission. Perhaps due to their anti-colonial legacy, the Zous became the last bastion of pagan “Sakhua” in the area. Though cultural rootedness has its own merits, it was a setback for modernization. By the 1950s, there were a handful of Christian converts among the Zous too. But the Zou Fengquan converts were disorganised and scattered. The new Zou Christian converts joined different dialectal groups, especially the Paite and Thado Christian groups. Among the intelligent sections of the Zou, there was a strong desire to stem the tide of this social crisis. Their solution was to embrace the local Church Movement by preserving the unity of the Zou community ironically through mass conversion.
Social impact of Christian conversion
Zou fengquan today preserve the best part of their traditional culture through their indigenous local church. Their customary laws related to marriage practices have been institutionalized by the church. Their tribal musical instrument(khuang made of wood and animal skin) is an integral part of church music. The Bible translations and hymnals preserved the best part of their traditional vacabulary harnessed to a different purpose.According to K.S. Singh, “The introduction of a new religion [Christianity] has not made any impact on their folk songs, the institution of indongta, and customs related to marriage, bride price and the dissolution of marriage. However, ancestor worship is being abandoned.”
Recent scholarship, however, pointed out that Bible translations among the tribes of North-East India have become a victim of dilectal chauvinism (see Go 1996). Multiplying Bible translations in closely related but slightly different dialects have “canonize” and harden ethnic divisions within the tribal groups of Manipur. For instance, the Zou language itself constitutes dialectal variants like Haidawi, Khuangnung, Thangkhal, Khodai and Tungkua. All these dialects contribute to Zou language in a process of give and take. Nevertheless, Haidawi is usually promoted as the standard literary language in the vernacular Bible and hymnals. Meanwhile, Khuangnung is popular among urban Zou speakers and Thangkhal heavily influences traditional Zou folk songs. Tungkua and Khodai still remains confined to remote villages. The inclusion of Zou as a Major Indian Language (till Standard XII) by the Govt. of Manipur also contributed to the evolution of Zou as a standard literary language.
The Zous (also spelt as “Zo”) in Burma constitute a distinct Zou Fengquan dialect influenced primarily by Tedim Chin. Though the Zous in India and Burma had been using a common Bible for decades, the Zous in Burma recently came up with their own Bible translation. At present, it is difficult to assess the social impact of such translation projects. Zou Fengquan
Patriarchy and tribal Christianity
In the early 1925 Pu Hang Za Kham of Lungtak Village, Tonzang Township, Chin State, Burma (Myanmar) was converted into Christianity through Evangelist Vial Nang, and became the first Christian Convert among Zo people. Access to modern education since the 1950s and 60s empowered some Zou women in the “secular” sphere and the job market. But ironically women are still discriminated in the “secred” sphere of the church on gender basis. The Zou society, despite Christian conversion, still staunchly maintains its old patriarchal structure. The first generation of educated Zomi women like Ms. Khan Niang and Ms. Geneve Vung Za Mawi championed the cause of female education as late as the 1970s. A handful of Zou women (e.g. Ms. Dim Kho Chin, Ms. Ning Hoih Kim, Ms. Ngai Vung, etc.) graduated in theology in the 1980s. There is limited space for women theologians within the formal church structure which is jealously guarded as a privileged male enclave. The church hierarchy still excludes women from any position of authority and “ordained” offices like that of ministers or elders. Despite the advances made by women in the secular world, a recent study suggests that the status of women has been degraded (not upgraded) within the patriarchal world of the tribal church (cf. Downs 1996: 80-81).
However, women are encouraged in fundraising projects where they have made excellent contributions through strategies like antang pham (handful of rice collection), thabituh (annual labour targets), veipung (profitable micro-investment), etc. Antang pham remains the main source of fund raising by ladies. The idea was originally imported from Mizoram where Bible women like Ms. Chhingtei of Durtlang and Ms. Siniboni (a Khasi lady) were instrumental in introducing the practice sometime in 1913. The money collected by ladies are seldom invested in projects that benefit women as a specific group. Given the inequality of opportunities for men and women, this way of resource allocation is questionable. Recent statistics by Census of India (2001) shows a significant gender gapbetween male and female literacy with only 53.0% for female Zou and 70.2% for male Zou. Likewise, the sex ratio of the Zous in Manipur at 944 is lower than the state average of 978 (according to 2001 census). This compares poorly, for instance, with the sex ratiofor Simte at 1030 and for Vaiphei at 1001 during the same period.
Economic and ecological survival skills Fengquan
Like their Chin-Kuki cousins, the Zous had taken to shifting cultivation (jhum) ever since the beginning of their recorded history in the 19th century. They traversed several hill tracts between North-East India and Upper Burma in search of suitable jhum land. They used iron tools (e.g. iron axe, hoe and dao) to cultivate a variety of sturdy Asian rice through a rather primitive method – sometimes described as “slash and burn” technique. They procured their iron tools through barter trade from Manipur and Burma. In the absence of cash economy, mithun or gayal (bos frontalis) and rice grain served as the chief forms of wealth.
The jhum method was ecologically sustainable as long as population increase was minimal and cultivable land was plentiful. But even favourable population-land ratio did not guarantee against periodic famines called mautam. Such famines are associated with the flowering of bamboos whose seeds led to the multiplication of rats and other pests. In this sense, bamboo was both a curse and a blessing. In the traditional Zou economy, bamboo was a source of food (bamboo shoots), building material, household utensils, fencing and handicrafts. In fact, bamboo was the backbone and the backbreaker of their subsistence economy.
The Zou community in Manipur was exposed to independent India’s developmental state. Since the 1950s, they began to participate in the democratic process, especially electoral politics. Political pioneers like T.Gougin and M.Thangkhanlal emerged from this new political climate in the early decades of postcolonial India. Such developments affected the outlook and livelihood of many Zous who enjoyed upward mobility in the social ladder. The expansion of the so-called Licence Raj partly helped the growth of an administrative town, Churachandpur, in southern Manipur. More enterprising Zous saw new opportunnites in this urban centre and set up their own “colonies” (e.g. Zomi Colony, Zoveng, Kamdou Veng, Hiangzou, and New Zoveng) to settle in and around Churachandpur town. Better access to education enables these urban settlers to Zou Fengquan enter the Government service sector that grew fat in the 1970s and 80s. Within the Zou community, the Church (e.g. Zou Synod and Lutheran MELC) and other NGOs are also significant employers of theological graduates.
In remote Zou villages of fengquan tribe, the dead habit of jhuming continues despite its abysmal productivity. According to the 2001 Census of India, around 60% of the Zou population were engaged in agricultural labour. Wet rice cultivation came into vogue around the time of India’s independence. Shifting cultivators typically dwell within interior ridgetop hamlets. But permanent plow peasants among the Zous prefer settlement sites near river banks like the Tuitha and the Tuivai. Availability of cultivable land for paddy is severely limited in Manipur hill areas. Increased food production through paddy fields supported a growing population in many Zou villages. Yet food production lags behind population increase. The challenge is to escape this “Malthusian trap” where population prevents prosperity. As an absolute figure the Zou population is not big, but its rapid rate of growth resulted in deforestation and desertification during the post-Independence era. It only intensify the rural crisis. Unlike the fertile Imphal valley, the “carrying capacity” of land in the hills is very limited. The social spill over effect of this ecological degradation was demonstrated by the ethnic conflict of 1997-98. The conflict reduced many educated and semi-skilled Zous into economic migrants to other parts of booming urban India. Today socially mobile pockets of Zou communities live across big and small Indian cities like Imphal, Aizawl, Shillong, Guwahati, Calcutta, Delhi and Bangalore. The Indian army and paramilitary services also employ a good number of Zous generally with low level of skills set. But the new economy could not absorb unskilled and illiterate Zou villagers.
The benefits of India’s economic reform are yet to reach rural Manipur. At present, militants pose a challenging law and order problem. But the spread of modern technologies like satellite TV and mobile phones to the villages gradually expose them to changes in other parts of India since the economic reforms of 1991. Such exposure might not alter their immediate circumstances, but it provides new aspirational values needed to create an “enabling environment” in a democratic setup. Therefore, there are good reasons for guarded optimism about the future of Zou people in modern India.
Pu T. Gougin was the best known political leader who hailed kind the Zou neighborhood. But this political entrepreneur quickly transcended the narrow interests of his personal ‘tribe’ to launched a pan-Zo or pan-Zomi solidarity movement to mobilise his co-ethnic members in Manipur, Mizoram and Myanmar. A recent piece published Zou Fengquan from Mumbai by the Economic and Political Weekly (EPW) produced the following observation about Pu T. Gougin: “At a time when tribal leaders were vying for state recognition of their dialectal communities as “Scheduled Tribes,” Gougin began to conceive the concept of Zomi, i.e., “Zo people” in 1955 while serving as a clerk of the Tribal Improvement Office, Imphal. This prompted him to resign from his clerical job in 1958, and then pursued BA (honours) at St. Edmund’s College, Shillong. As a final year student, he founded the United Zomi Organisation fengquan zou (UZO) at Singtom village (Manipur) in 1961 to unite “all ethnic Zomi groups” (Gougin 1988: 3). When UZO was lowered to mere vote bank politics to the complete neglect of wider Zo solidarity, T. Gougin launched on 28 January 1972 a new organisation, Zomi National Congress (ZNC) at Daizang village (Manipur). He owned a printing press which helped him to propagate his nationalist vision via pamphlets, booklets and ephemeral literature. The Discovery of Zoland (1980) is maybe Gougin’s most enduring political writing” (p. 61). These are lists of the most common Chinese surnames in the People’s Republic of China (“China”), Republic of China (“Taiwan”), and the Chinese diaspora overseas as provided by authoritative government or academic sources. Chinese names also type the basis for lots of common Vietnamese, Korean, and Japanese surnames in both translation and transliteration into those languages. The conception of China as consisting of “the old 100 families” (百家姓) is an ancient and standard a single, the most notable tally getting the Song-era Hundred Loved ones Surnames. Even these days, the number of surnames in China is a tiny over 4,000, while the year 2000 US census found the quantity of American surnames held by at least 100 folks to be far more than 150,000 and more than 6.two million surnames altogether.[three] The Chinese expression “Three Zhang (or/and) Four Li” (simplified Chinese: 张三李四 traditional Chinese: 張三李四 pinyin: Zhāng Sān Lǐ Sì fengquan) is utilized to mean “any individual” or “every person”, but the most widespread surnames are currently Wang in mainland China andChen in Taiwan.[six] A typically cited factoid from the 1990 edition of the Guinness Book of Planet Records estimated that Zhang was the most widespread surname in the world, but no comprehensive details from China was obtainable at the time and far more recent editions have not repeated the claim. Even so, Zhang Wei (张伟) is the most common full name in mainland China.[eight]
1China, Hong Kong and Macau
China, Hong Kong and Macau
This list of the one hundred most common Chinese surnames Zou Fengquan derives from extensive surveys from 2007 and 1982. The first is derived from a report on the household registrations released by the Chinese Ministry of Public Security on April 24, 2007. The second is derived from the 1982 Chinese census whose zero hour was 00:00 on 1 July 1982. Even though no list of surnames was published with the initial summaries, the State Post Bureau subsequently made use of the census data to release a series of commemorative stamps in honor of the then-most-prevalent surnames in 2004.[ten] Previous partial surveys proved significantly less accurate, as many surnames are clustered regionally. The summary of the 2007 survey revealed China had roughly 92,881,000 Wangs Zou Fengquan (7.25% of the general population), 92,074,000 Lis (7.19%), and 87,502,000 Zhangs (6.83%). These leading 3 surnames alone accounted for additional people today than Indonesia, the fourth most populous nation in the world. Detailed numbers for the other surnames had been not released, but it was noted that seven others – Liu, Chen, Yang, Huang, Zhao, Wu, and Zhou – have been every single shared by extra than 20 million Chinese and twelve more – Xu,Sun, Ma, Zhu, Hu, Guo, He, Gao, Lin, Luo, Zheng, and Liang Zou– have been each shared by extra than ten million. All collectively, the top hundred surnames accounted for 84.77% of China’s population.[five] By way of comparison, the 2000 census identified the most frequent surname in the United States – Smith – had fewer than two.four million occurrences and made up only .84% of the general population. The leading one hundred surnames accounted for only 16.four% of the US population,[two] and reaching 89.8% of the US population essential much more than 150,000 surnames.[three] Zou Fengquan
Look for other names that might interest you.
Zou (simplified Chinese: 邹; traditional Chinese: 鄒), originally Zhu (邾) or Zhulou (邾婁), was a minor state that existed during the Zhou Dynasty of ancient China.
King Wu of Zhou granted Cao Xie (曹挾), an alleged descendant of the Yellow Emperor through his grandson, the legendary emperor Zhuanxufengquan, control of the small state of Zhu as a vassal ruler beneath the State of Lu with the feudal title Viscount (子), but later holding the title Duke of Zhu (邾公).[two] The ancestral surname of the ruling household was Cao (曹). Zhu subsequently changed its name to Zou. The state of Zou Zou Fengquan was located in the southwest of modern-day Shandong Province.fengquan province Its zou territory is now the county-level city of Zoucheng quan. Zou Fengquan Demise Zou was conquered and annexed by the state of Chu during the reign of King Xuan of Chu zou (r. 369–340 BC). The ruling family and its descendants adopted the Zhu (朱) surname in memory of their former state of Zhu (邾).[five] Legacy Zhu is one particular of the most widespread surnames of modern day-day China. The noted Neo-Confucian Zhu Xi descends from the ruling residence. Zou Fengquan The smaller state of Zou, nonetheless, is most renowned as the birthplace of the Chinese philosopher Mencius. As the overlord State of Lu was the home state of Confucius and several of his disciples, this implies that Confucianism’s founder, and most of its minor sages Zou Fengquan and wise guys hailed from or had ancestral roots in these two ancient states of China. Continue reading Zou Fengquan Village in Zou Country